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Addressing Campus Antisemitism: Tackling Its Marxist Roots

Resignation of ⁤President Liz Magill

“Magill last week made a very ⁢unfortunate misstep. … Following that,‌ it became clear that her position was no longer tenable.” With these ⁤words, the University of Pennsylvania’s then-board Chair Scott Bok announced the resignation of President Liz Magill.

“Unfortunate misstep” is an understatement for ⁤what Magill and two other Ivy League presidents actually did in a hearing earlier this month. When asked⁢ whether calls for genocide against Jews violate their campuses’ harassment policies, all three declined⁢ to⁤ state in the affirmative. That’s not a⁣ misstep — it’s a full-blown scandal.

Still, thanks to well-merited backlash from donors, trustees, and alumni, Magill is out, and some modicum of sanity has returned to ⁣the Ivy League. Or ‍has it?

On one hand, it is ​a welcome sign of cultural sanity when ⁢elites rebuke pro-terrorist protesters and deplorably weak administrators at our most prestigious universities. It shows that common sense can still​ prevail in our country — at least when it becomes too embarrassing or expensive for people to ⁣ignore it.

On ⁤the other ⁣hand,​ we shouldn’t congratulate ourselves when leftist institutions make some tiny concession. We ‌can’t fool ourselves that removing one⁤ university president or rescinding a few hundred-million-dollar donations will deliver us from left-wing extremism. The truth is ‌that our societal rot goes far too deep for that.

The⁢ vile displays ⁣of antisemitism on the campuses of Penn, Harvard, MIT, and other schools⁢ in the wake of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas ‌terrorist attacks were not sudden breaks from normalcy. Celebrating the ‌deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust and blatantly calling for genocide — these​ transgressions are notable for ‍the degree of their ‌depravity, but they are simply the ‌culmination of years of ideological drift, cyclically driven and reinforced ⁣by students, faculty, and bureaucracy.

The same⁤ radicals who gave us “from the river to the sea” and “Intifada” gave⁢ us so-called ‍“diversity,‌ equity, and inclusion,” three magic words that permitted Penn to put a ‌man on the women’s swim team and pushed Wellesley College to become co-ed ‍— ‍while remaining ​an “all-girls”‌ institution.

The same radicals who gave us DEI​ gave us “Black Lives Matter,” a seemingly ⁣innocuous phrase whose calculated circulation and embrace justified countless instances‍ of violence and‌ looting — and empowered a ⁣racist, anti-American group that ‍has ​now openly aligned itself with‍ Hamas.

Before BLM, they gave us ​ violent protests against conservative speakers. Before that, they gave ⁤us ⁢the safe-space craze, which jeopardized campus free⁣ speech and made a mockery of academic inquiry. The list goes on.

These movements aren’t identical. Nevertheless, if people⁤ who are outraged about today’s outpouring of ⁢antisemitism truly want⁢ change in the Ivy League and beyond, they need to be willing to oppose all of them — because they are all connected by the same thread of Marxism that‌ threatens academic integrity and the American way of life.

I use that word very intentionally. I know “Marxism” has a ‍history of being misused and overused. ‍But there is no⁣ better way⁣ to describe the ideological narratives responsible for⁤ the past decade of “woke” craziness at colleges and universities.

Like communism before them, these left-wing cultural narratives divide the world into ⁤oppressed and oppressors. The so-called “LGBT community” versus the “straight-cisgender patriarchy.” “People of color” versus “white people.”⁢ “Native Palestinians” versus “Zionist colonizers.”

These categories erase individuality for​ the sake ‍of group identification. They also replace the Judeo-Christian understanding of personal responsibility for evil — an understanding upon which our entire legal⁣ system is built — with a ‌perverse conception of zero-sum group power dynamics.

Finally, like other Marxist ​ideologies before them, these narratives eventually legitimize violence against the alleged “oppressors.” This⁣ might look⁢ like twisting a professor’s neck. It might look like a ⁤“night of rage” against crisis pregnancy centers. It‍ might look like days ‍of rioting, looting, and vandalism ⁢in our cities. It might look like shouting, “Gas the Jews.” However it appears, whatever its flavor, violence is the end of the road. Because, if politics ⁣is reduced to zero-sum power dynamics, it is an⁤ acceptable answer to perceived injustice.

I say this with confidence, as none of‍ this is new. Marxist⁤ intellectuals of the 19th and 20th​ centuries said as much⁢ long⁢ ago. Jean-Paul Sartre⁤ argued that revolutionary murder is therapeutic. Frantz Fanon did the same. Noam Chomsky defended Pol ​Pot. All three have a ⁤longstanding cult among leftist professors and college students.

As Ross Douthat observes, the ​current outbreak of campus​ antisemitism is just a resurgence of “impeccably left-wing sentiments, commonplace in the not-so-distant past, with a long ‌pedigree in the Marxist-Leninist and anticolonial visions that exerted so much sway (and killed so many​ people) across the 20th century.” In short, this ⁢is so much bigger than pro-Hamas demonstrations.

Are‌ we willing to confront the depths of this evil⁤ in response? Are elites willing to reject the whole ideological thread, not just its most recent manifestations?

It’s an open question, but I hope the answer is⁢ yes. Unless we say no to the Marxist⁤ revolutionaries, they will⁣ continue to gain ground in the academy and beyond. ‌And the American ⁣values that stand in their way — from equality under ‍the law to the⁢ very⁢ existence⁤ of individual rights — will be ⁢slowly chipped⁤ away for anyone the ​left accuses of “wrongthink.”

If‍ that happens, no amount of censure and discipline ⁢from our corporate class will be able ⁤to make the madness stop.


⁣How deep-rooted is the problem ⁢of left-wing extremism in academia and society, beyond ‌the‍ resignation of⁢ one university president?

Nce‌ is​ the logical endgame of these narratives.

So yes, it is a victory when President Liz Magill steps ‍down in ‍disgrace. But let’s ‌not forget that the problem ‍goes much deeper than one university ⁤president.​ Let’s not forget that our elite institutions have been⁤ promoting and empowering these ideologies for years. Let’s not‍ forget​ that the cultural rot has seeped far beyond the Ivy League.

If we want to truly address the issue of left-wing extremism in academia⁢ and society at large, we need to confront the underlying ideology. We ‌need to challenge the narrative that ​divides us into ⁣oppressors and oppressed, that erases personal responsibility,‍ and that justifies ‌violence. We need to promote a culture of free speech, intellectual diversity, and individual rights.

That won’t ​be easy. The forces pushing this ⁣ideology ⁣are entrenched and powerful. But it is a battle worth fighting. It‌ is a battle for the soul ​of ⁢our universities and our ⁣nation.

We ⁢must hold our universities accountable for the⁣ toxic environment they have created. We must demand that they ⁤uphold the ‌values of open inquiry, ⁣rigorous academic standards, and intellectual‌ diversity. We must support ​alternative voices⁣ and institutions that prioritize these principles.

The resignation⁣ of President Liz Magill is a small victory in a much larger struggle. It is a reminder that we cannot⁤ remain silent in the face of left-wing ⁤extremism. It ⁢is a⁤ call⁢ to action for all who value truth, reason, ‌and freedom.

Let us continue to fight for a more intellectually honest and ideologically diverse academia. Let us continue to challenge the narratives ‍that divide us and promote intolerance. ‌Let ‍us continue to protect ⁤and preserve the ⁢values that have made our universities and our nation great.

The resignation ​of‌ President‌ Liz Magill is⁢ just the beginning. The battle for academic integrity⁢ and ​the‌ American way of life⁤ continues.



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