Justice Jackson leaves her mark in a blockbuster SCOTUS term.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson’s Impactful First Term on the Supreme Court

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson recently completed her freshman term on the Supreme Court, and it was nothing short of remarkable. In a year filled with blockbuster moments, she emerged as a prominent voice, speaking more frequently than any new justice in the past three decades. What’s more, she formed surprising alliances with members of the conservative bloc, despite being part of the liberal faction.

Nominated by President Joe Biden to succeed Justice Stephen Breyer, Jackson wasted no time making her mark. According to the Empirical SCOTUS blog, she found herself in the majority on opinions a staggering 84% of the time. This impressive statistic solidifies her influence and ability to shape the court’s decisions.

Breaking Barriers and Building Alliances

As the first black woman to serve on the Supreme Court, Jackson’s presence was immediately noticed. From her very first week of oral arguments, court watchers observed her active engagement from the bench. Not only did she speak more than any of the past three newest justices, but she also spoke more than any sitting justice, except for the Chief Justice himself.

Throughout her first term, Jackson authored five majority opinions and six dissents, showcasing her legal prowess and commitment to justice. Surprisingly, she aligned with the majority more frequently than Justice Amy Coney Barrett did during her first year on the bench in 2020.

One of the most intriguing aspects of Jackson’s term was the alliances she formed, particularly with Trump-appointed Justice Neil Gorsuch. Their shared opinions in several cases highlight the convergence of Jackson’s background as a public defender and Gorsuch’s libertarian instincts.

Slow Start, Strong Finish

The Supreme Court took its time releasing opinions this term, with the bulk of its docket saved for the final months of May and June. By April 30, only 15 opinions had been released, marking the slowest start in the past century. Some speculate that the investigation into the leak of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization may have contributed to the delayed releases.

However, the court managed to wrap up its term on schedule, as Justice Brett Kavanaugh assured the public. Despite the slow start, the court’s efficiency and commitment to delivering timely opinions remained intact.

Less Ideological Division, More Unity

This term witnessed a decrease in ideologically polarized rulings compared to the past five years. While the conservative majority was evident in the previous term, with 14 out of 58 decisions aligning along ideological lines, this term saw only five such cases.

Although the addition of Justice Jackson suggests a shift away from strictly ideological decisions, the court did divide along these lines in significant cases, such as those involving affirmative action and President Biden’s student debt relief plan. Nevertheless, the mix of cases before the court plays a significant role in shaping public perception of its orientation and direction.

Notable Rulings on Election Law and Religious Rights

This term, the Supreme Court issued several noteworthy rulings on election law and religious rights, many of which did not split along ideological lines. While the conservative majority made decisions that restricted the use of race in college admissions and supported a company’s refusal to create custom websites for same-sex weddings based on religious beliefs, the court also pleased liberals in certain election law cases.

Chief Justice John Roberts, along with Justice Kavanaugh and the three liberal justices, rejected a legal theory that could have given state legislatures more influence over congressional districts and federal elections. Additionally, the conservative justices paved the way for black opportunity districts in Alabama and Louisiana, potentially leading to more Democratic-held seats in future elections.

The court also unanimously ruled in favor of a postal worker who refused to work Sunday shifts due to religious beliefs. This decision overturned a precedent from 1977 and strengthened the “undue hardship” standard, making it easier for employees to seek religious accommodation in the workplace.

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