The Child-Rape Phase Of Liberalism Has Arrived In Ireland

Last week, a ten-year-old girl was allegedly raped near a migrant-housing center on the outskirts of Dublin. Americans, recently forced to process the wanton slaughter of Iryna Zarutska in Charlotte, can sympathize with this week’s Irish rage. The child-rape phase of liberalism has arrived in Ireland.

The suspect reportedly came from North Africa, arrived in Ireland six years ago, and was subject to unenforced deportation orders. He has received a state-funded Arabic interpreter for his court proceedings. On Wednesday, a judge ordered that the defendant be screened for “fitness to be tried.” To make matters worse, the victim was reportedly a ward of the state. Authorities have not announced how she arrived in the vicinity of the migrant-housing center.

In the nights after the story broke, protesting and rioting commenced near the accommodation facility, and a police van was set on fire. At least sixteen have been arrested. State media quickly announced their names and addresses, in contrast to the still-unidentified attacker. In a thoroughly unsurprising sequence of events, government officials largely ignored the alleged crime but vociferously condemned the protesters. The state child-care agency even cast aspersions on the ten-year-old victim.

Earlier this year, the Irish government purchased the Citywest Hotel, a former luxury accommodation situated in a mixed-use development, for over €148 million. It has become a simmering hotspot of Official Ireland’s mass-migration complex, such that the social-media account titled “Stop Citywest Hotel” has been active since June. Days before the alleged rape, it had posted pictures purporting to show male migrants drinking alcohol on the premises of a primary school. Nearby residents had, like so many voices across Ireland, warned something like this would happen.

Enough. They have to go back.

By now it is clear that you could throw a dart at a European map and find these fruits of liberal governance wherever it lands. Ireland, though, is an extreme case. Numerous observers have noted the Irish are a deeply religious people. When they rejected their storied Catholic heritage, they immediately replaced it with secular liberalism, which they have pursued with the zeal of the convert.

In this decade, a growing contingent has tired of the new religion. No such phenomenon is occurring in the Irish political class, which is insular, dogmatic, and disproportionately homosexual. It attaches cartoonish significance to the Palestinian cause. It punches down on the Catholic Church as a matter of course. This is not a collection of Ireland’s finest; rare confrontations with dissenting public figures or independent journalists make this abundantly clear.

That milieu has overseen a willful transformation of Irish society. According to the latest government figures, 22 percent of the Republic’s population is foreign-born, ranking the country fourth in the EU and first when excluding tiny states like Malta. The official number of Muslims living in the country now exceeds the number of daily Irish speakers. (Much hand-wringing has accompanied this comparison, but this is a reliable way to express it.)

“It seems [popular nightlife district] Temple Bar is becoming a violent, post-apocalyptic place,” said a Dublin criminal court judge last year. “It’s shocking to see it, that people can’t be safe down there. It makes it a no-go area for people.”

The week’s events coincided with the sentencing of the family of Jozef Puska, a Slovakian Roma man who murdered a young Irish woman in 2022; they received minimal sentences for aiding and abetting, and “the three women’s sentences were suspended because the judge accepted a psychologist’s report which said that the women ‘did what they were told’ in Roma culture.”

Also fresh in Irish minds was the death of a 17-year-old Ukrainian boy who sustained over 100 stab wounds in a “frenzied attack” by a Somalian teenager; both boys were under state care. Previous Dublin riots drew international headlines in November 2023, after a homeless Algerian migrant stabbed three children and a school worker outside a primary school. His trial has not begun.

The list could continue interminably. “The pretence that we can house any more asylum applicants is, in any case, ridiculous,” asserted Irish journalist Niamh Uí Bhriain. “It only serves to give the nauseating NGOs and the open-borders politicians warm, cuddly feelings – and we are now paying for their self-righteousness in the most horrific way possible.”

Enough. They have to go back.

Official Ireland insists the economy will collapse without migrants. Yet, the individuals responsible for violent and anti-social behavior are invariably unemployed vagrants dependent upon the Irish state. As countless commentators have noted, those who are employed in low-wage jobs are merely diverting money from unskilled Irish workers and allowing upscale Dubliners to enjoy more ethnic restaurants and menial services. Most importantly, the same people issuing these warnings drove Ireland into the post-2008 economic catastrophe and enabled the country’s current cost-of-living and real-estate crises.

Official Ireland insists the cost of deportation is too high and cites return flights running into the tens and hundreds of thousands of euros. Surely these figures are padded with the same liberal trappings that earned the Citywest suspect state-funded translators, mental assessments, and a likely bail. In recent years, the Irish state has spent over €6 billion (1.5 percent of GDP) on NGOs, all of a predictable political bent, in addition to the amount directly spent on processing, housing, and sustaining migrants. This year’s budget for International Protection Accommodation Scheme (IPAS) centers is €1.2 billion. Irish voters, if they had any choice in the matter, would opt for the flights.

Finally, Official Ireland insists the country has commitments to transnational organizations and unelected judges. Of course, the rulings and statutes of these apparatchiks move, like a ratchet, inexorably toward more migration. El Salvador, another small state enduring astonishing social conditions, offers a blueprint here. The country was, per capita, the world’s most murderous just a decade ago. “Various international organizations and NGOs ‘defending’ Human Rights want us to return to that system,” asserted President Nayib Bukele. El Salvador had nothing to lose by ignoring the apparatchiks. Now Bukele’s approval rating is comically high, suggesting El Salvador is rich in democracy and poor in liberalism. Ireland’s criminal mismanagement cries out for Bukelian justice.

If this sounds extreme, consider that no political solution has been attainable. Two indistinguishable liberal parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, tend to trade power, with four left-wing parties rounding out the political landscape. To date, no party challenging the consensus has managed to win more than scraps. Thanks to a bizarre nomination system, establishment politicians blocked the candidacy of Catholic lawyer and campaigner Maria Steen in this month’s election for the largely symbolic presidency, ultimately won by a leftist.

“Rarely has the political consensus seemed more oppressive, or detached from the wishes and desires of the public,” said Steen, a polished figure who runs laps around establishment opponents. Some analysts believe political change can only occur through Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, precisely the culprits behind the country’s woeful state. Who knows what will be left of Ireland if this is the only realistic option?

If Ireland is to be a nation once again, its people must become ungovernable. That spirit, however dulled it might have become during decades of liberalism, has long been associated with the Irish people. They must urgently take the difficult first steps to assert to the criminal political class that they have had enough. They have to go back!

Michael O’Shea is an American-Polish writer and translator. He is a Danube Institute Visiting International Fellow.