In the weeks following Feb. 28, the day the war began, a Washington Examiner review of lobbying found that 34 firms either hired new lobbyists or amended their existing contracts while indicating that they will be seeking to influence policies related to defense, energy, or homeland security. To assist in their efforts to sway the government and possibly secure lucrative contracts, these companies have retained some of the most powerful lobbying outfits in Washington.

Given that lobbying registrations are often posted weeks after contracts began, the true increase in lobbying activity following the war has likely been greater than what can be gleaned from public records.

This mad dash to buy up influence in Washington may have been initially fueled by inklings that war in Iran would be an expensive endeavor for the U.S., and therefore a possibly lucrative opportunity for industry. These suspicions were vindicated when the Pentagon announced on March 19 that it would seek $200 billion in additional funding to finance the war — a significant increase to the military’s $1 trillion fiscal 2026 budget.

“It takes money to kill bad guys,” War Secretary Pete Hegseth said of the request. “So we’re going back to Congress and our folks there to ensure we’re properly funded for what’s being done, for what we may have to do in the future.”

Spikes in energy prices owing to reduced oil output in Iran and increased fears of Iranian-backed terrorist attacks could also explain some of the lobbying efforts being launched in Washington, D.C.

The Washington Examiner identified 24 lobbying registrations filed since Feb. 28 mentioning defense, 10 mentioning energy, and five that reported homeland security lobbying. Some disclosures listed more than one of these issue areas. Companies seeking to sell artificial intelligence products to the military were particularly eager to interface with the government following the strikes on Iran.

Cashing in on the desire to buy influence as the war in Iran progresses are top-tier firms such as the Trump-aligned Continental Strategy, as well as more traditional blue-chip lobbying houses such as DLA Piper, Holland & Knight, McGuireWoods, Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman, and Squire Patton Boggs.

Lobbying outfits specializing in representing defense contractors, such as Anchor & Arrow, have also brought in significant business since bombs began dropping in Iran. 

Anchor & Arrow helps “small and mid-sized defense technology companies” align their “interests with policymakers [and] senior Pentagon leaders,” according to its website.

Among the new clients signed by Anchor & Arrow since the war broke out are ​Gallatin AI, which is selling an AI-powered logistics platform, and Oklo, a Californian nuclear reactor design firm seeking to influence “defense and energy policies and appropriations.”

Prestigious firms typically provide their clients with high-powered, well-connected representatives to plead their case to Washington, D.C., powerbrokers. The lobbyists helping this recent crop of clients attempt to profit amid the war in Iran are no different.

Anchor & Arrow, for instance, has tapped Christopher ​Zumbar, who was formerly the congressional appropriations liaison for the Navy and headquarters Marine Corps comptroller, and John ​Noonan, who worked on the House and Senate Armed Services Committees, to represent a suite of small and midsized defense contractors. Both men have ties to the policymakers tasked with determining how the U.S. spends its defense budget.

Major defense contractor Northrop Grumman, meanwhile, has retained former Rep. Chris Stewart (R-UT) and two of his one-time senior staffers via the firm Skyline Capitol. Stewart served on the House Appropriations Committee during his roughly decadelong tenure in Congress. 

Former political operatives with links to President Donald Trump have also been swept up in the recent lobbying frenzy. 

Among these are Aquia Group’s Austin Agrella, who served as the deputy Cabinet secretary for policy during the first Trump administration; Squire Patton Boggs’ Thomas ​Andrews, who was a special assistant specializing in legislative affairs in the first Trump White House; as well as Trump’s former ambassador to the Organization of American States and a former campaign staffer who work for Continental Strategy, among others.

The bulk of lobbying contracts filed after the war broke out involve small- and medium-sized companies; however, some household names have gotten in on the rush as well. Lobbyists retained by Northrop Grumman and the Advanced Manufacturing Company of America, for instance, have filed new registration documents since the war in Iran kicked off. Somewhat unsurprisingly, the former is interested in missile defense programs, whereas the latter is seeking to lobby on “issues related to defense and manufacturing policy.”

Some smaller firms that have tossed their hats into the Washington lobbying ring since war broke out with Iran include Airrow, a company marketing an “autonomous robotic hub enabling a self-regenerating, persistent UAS force;” ​Lola Vision Systems, which is selling the “first purpose-built edge AI processor for defense applications;” Delta Black Aerospace, which specializes in drone technology; Q-Net Security, a cybersecurity company that brags of being “powered by AI,” and Born Primitive, a “patriot inspired workout clothing” that is hoping to secure “funding for specialized equipment for war fighters.”

‘AMERICA FIRST’-ADJACENT LOBBYISTS LINE UP TO SELL INFLUENCE TO FOREIGNERS 

Major defense contractors with sizable existing lobbying networks, such as Lockheed Martin and RTX, are likely billing more hours to the lobbyists they have retained. The full extent of this possible uptick, however, won’t be known until lobbyists file their second quarter reports later this year.